The interim national security strategy announced by Secretary of State Antony Blinken and national security adviser Jake Sullivan sketches one exciting new doctrine for President Biden rooted in geopolitics, but also linked to transnational threats like pandemics, terrorism, and climate. It reframes foreign policy in the modern era, making it clear to Americans whose firsthand exposure to the coronavirus, domestic attacks, and the ravages of climate change show why such issues matter.
I still remember years ago conducting local town halls and hearing from constituents that foreign aid needs to be discontinued because it eats up 50 percent of the federal budget. The correct number was 1 percent, but the broadly held misconception shows how disconnected foreign policy was and is from the minds of many everyday Americans.
Biden is the most experienced foreign policy president since the senior George Bush and has an “A Team” advising him. His early action to strike Hezbollah in Syria, order sanctions for Russia and Saudi Arabia, end our participation in the Yemen civil war, and pause several destructive arms sales, while raising human rights concerns to Xi Jinping are notable. But moving from a series of tactical efforts to one overall strategy, which we have lacked since the Cold War ended, is the challenge.
The new doctrine of Joe Biden
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We declared ourselves the winner, and Russia the loser, after the Cold War ended. We downsized the defense and intelligence procurement budgets and pondered how to spend our peace dividends. But the threats did not subside, and China did not want to play by our rules. Despite predictions that the homeland was ripe for a major terrorist event, the United States was simply not ready for 9/11 and even then launched a reflexive military response that has marked our primary game ever since.
It is also a challenge to engage Congress once more as a serious foreign policy partner, which is a role it played for much of the 20th century. The threadbare authorization for use of military force of 2001 for Afghanistan was reportedly trotted out yet again to justify the recent strike in Syria, as it has been for 40 military actions in almost 20 countries over the last two decades. No doubt Biden agrees it should be updated, but that duty falls to Congress, which remains full of toxic political division.
Getting this blueprint right for military action is difficult. The commander in chief power of the president provides him or her latitude to defend our country during emergencies, and an authorization for use of military force should respect that, but Congress is vested with the power to declare and fund wars. Bob Corker teamed up with Tim Kaine in a failed effort to find a new authorization for use of military force in 2018. Kaine is trying again in the Senate, but bipartisan action is now harder than ever.
